Sunday, June 10, 2012

Landscape Conservation Approach in Nepal


 Landscape Conservation Approach in Nepal   




ISBN: 978-9937-2-3974-5
Citation: Acharya, K.P., Tripathi, D.M., Joshi, J. and Gurung, U.M. (eds.). 2011. Leveraging the Landscapes: Biodiversity Conservation beyond the Boundaries in Nepal (Edited) 2011. Nepal Foresters Association (NFA) Kathmandu.

 Published by Nepal Foresters Association (NFA)
Copyright: © 2011 Nepal Foresters Association (NFA).

Publication support:  WWF, WTLCP and NTNC


Preface
Map of any part of the world is full of boundary webs such as continents, regions, countries and numerous administrative/political boundaries within. In natural world, these boundaries shaped, reshaped and proliferated with the advancement of human civilization often trivialize the most fundamental boundaries created by ecological functions and requirement of species for their existence and regeneration. Worried by diminishing flagship wildlife population, most of the conservation approaches practiced in the past attempted to conserve such species within the boundaries of protected areas without much attention to the ecological boundaries. The protected area systems coupled with extensive people’s participation did remarkably helped in conserving the world’s precious biological diversity. Constantly advancing scientific understating and eventually maturing experiences on the field, however, have called for a paradigm shift in conservation approach from species and/or protected habitat focused biodiversity conservation to focusing on ecosystem and the mosaic of interconnected habitat patches of wildlife population along with the interplay between natural functions and human activity; termed broadly as landscapes.    
Nepal has been making an impressive headway in landscape level conservation approach with it being one of the prioritized concerns of the Government of Nepal as reflected in the Three Year Interim Plan, National Biodiversity Strategy and the Terai Arc Landscape Strategy 2010.  Government of Nepal in coordination with various conservation partners has been implementing Terai Arc Landscape, Sacred Himalayan Landscape and Western Terai Landscape Complex Project and making efforts in slotting in the essence of landscape level conservation i.e. Connectivity and Coordination in its other conservation programs as well.   Needless to say, the advent of new paradigm in conservation harbingers promising possibility in achieving conservation goals. However, it is high time that we right-track and fast-track the landscape level conservation practices in Nepal taking scrutiny at its wobbly steps.
In an effort to contribute to reflect on the on-the-ground experiences, current issues, achievements, opportunities, and way forward; this publication “Leveraging the Landscapes; Biodiversity Conservation beyond the Boundaries in Nepal” has been put forward by Nepal Forester’s Association (NFA) with support from WWF Nepal, WTLCP and NTNC. This special volume contains eleven papers from conservationists, scientists and field implementers directly involved in landscape level conservation practices in Nepal from policy level to implementation level.
The first paper discusses the theoretical antecedents in global contexts that eventually led to the inception of landscape level conservation approach in Nepal. It also describes some of the works with theoretical perspective pioneered by individual researchers and practical application involving conservation organizations. The paper concludes with briefly pointing out some emerging issues such as climate change and ecosystem services.
Paper 2, 3 and 4 shares the on-the-ground experiences, achievements made, and lessons learned of the three key landscape level interventions of Nepal viz. Western Terai Landscape Project, Terai Arc Landscape and Sacred Himalayan Landscape respectively. The papers also provide the overview of the intervention approach and highlight the major issues, challenges and way forward. Similarly, Paper 5 assesses the role of Annapurna Conservation Area as a landscape level conservation model in biodiversity conservation and Protected Area management in Nepal. It also presents a good example of NGO managed Protected Area management in context of Nepal.
Paper 6 covers the significance, success stories and implication of Community Seed Bank (CSB) program implemented under Western Terai Landscape Project in mid and far-western regions of Nepal. This paper highlight the CSB as a platform of an effective rural institution at the community level that strengthens local farmers’ access to diversity of crop genetic resources contributing to local food security. It concludes that strengthening the network of CSB with effective exchange of seeds and knowledge at landscape level could lead towards sustainability and resiliency.
Paper 7 provides several field level insights into when, how and to what extent Payment for Ecosystem Services (PES) based forest management is feasible in Nepal, identifies possible methodologies and approaches for piloting and develops specific criteria for selecting PES sites. This paper looks into theories and principles of PES, analyzes present practices, looks into future perspectives of PES in Nepal and recommends an analytical framework to conclude and conservation policy makers but also to politicians who can incorporate understanding of landscape conservation in the re-structuring process of the state.nd conservation policy makers but also to politicians who can incorporate understanding of landscape conservation in the re-structuring process of the state.


Table of Contents
Preface
1.      Landscape Conservation Approach in Nepal                                                           1
Dinesh Raj Bhuju and Amulya Ratna Tuladhar
2.      Landscape Conservation in Nepal: Achievement and
Lessons from Western Terai Landscape Complex Project                               15
Ekraj Sigdel, Dinesh Karki, Jagannath Koirala, Basan Shrestha,
 
Prakash Man Shrestha and Bijendra Basnyat
3.      Terai Arc Landscape: A Sustainable Conservation Approach                        30
Shiv Raj Bhatta, Ugan Manandhar, Santosh Nepal
4.      Conservation Initiatives in Sacred Himalayan Landscape, Nepal                 35
Ananta Bhandari
5.      An Assessment of the Landscape Management Approach in the                 42
Annapurna Conservation Area, Nepal
Siddhartha Bajra Bajracharya, Ratna R. Timsina and Kiran K.C.
6.      Community Seed Bank: Reaching to Poor Farmers and Building
Climate Resiliency in Western Nepal                                                                        54
Shree Kumar Maharjan, Abishkar Subedi, Pitambar Shrestha, Assa Gurung,
Sajal Sthapit, Ram Rana, Ek Raj Sigdel, Dinesh Karki and Bhuwon Sthapit
7.      Learning Perspectives and Analytical Framework for Framing  PES in Nepal         68
Laxmi Dutt Bhatta and Rajan Kotru
8.      Trans-boundary Landscape conservation in the HKH Region:
An Overview from Global and Regional Perspective                                       89
Krishna Prasad Oli
9.      Role of Corridors in Linking Transnational Protected Areas in
Terai Arc Landscape                                                                                                                                    101
Shyam Bajimaya
10.   Leveraging the Landscape: An Assessment of Options                                                                                                                                    118
Krishna Prasad Acharya, Rishikesh Ram Bhandary and Buddi Sagar Poudel
11.   Towards Integrated Landscape Planning:
A Paradigm Shift in Conservation Planning in Nepal                                                                                                                                    128
Dinesh Karki, and Bijendra Basnyat




Paper 1
LANDSCAPE CONSERVATION APPROACH IN NEPAL
Dinesh Raj Bhuju1 and Amulya Ratna Tuladhar2
1Faculty of Science, Nepal Academy of Science and Technology
GPO Box 3323 Kathmandu
2Khwopa College, Tribhuvan University Affiliate
Dekocha, Bhaktapur
dineshbhuju@gmail.com
Summary
With the beginning of 20th century, the governments around the world started on setting the core habitats aside as the solution to the dwindling wildlife population, the charismatic ones at first. This management approach of protected areas did progress fundamentally from the twin tradition of conservation and ecological discourse. As the scientific knowledge expanded and practical experiences matured, we find the conservation approach undergoing a fundamental shift. The protected areas are now planned with local people, and featured with ecological corridors and other landscape characters to provide more space for species movement and natural processes. Nepal set up its first national park in 1973, but very soon it not only realized some of the adversities faced by the local people living around the park but also the space constraint for population distribution and dynamics. Taking the advantage of new progresses in conservation biology, Nepal adopted landscape approach and implemented in some of the key areas without much delay. This paper discusses Nepal’s debut in conservation at landscape level with theoretical antecedents in global contexts. Some of the works with theoretical perspective pioneered by individual researchers and practical application involving conservation organizations are described with examples. The paper is concluded with brief mentioning of emerging issues like climate change and ecosystem services.
Key words: Chure Hills, Landscape ecology, Sacred landscape, Terai Arc Landscape Project, Trans-boundary



Introduction

Species know no boundary but their fundamental requirements to exist and proliferate. The ecological intricacies as revealed by scientific understanding of organisms living in the natural environs have called for conservation beyond species and/or their protected habitat. Landscape level conservation, thus, has been a realized management practice today. Nepal's commitment to save and secure biodiversity is evidently reflected with the creation of an impressive network of protected area system. As these areas are now turning out to be an island in the midst of human dominated landscapes, landscape level conservation appears as a fitting solution. The landscape conservation approach practiced in Nepal holds an exciting possibility to effectively deliver conservation plans. This essay will look into the theoretical antecedents of landscape conservation, its application in Nepal, and its promise to deliver effective conservation.

Part I: Theoretical Antecedents

Landscape Conservation Approach in Nepal is one of the sustainable development solutions to the threats of biodiversity loss. The approach is a practical, policy implementation mode that draws its theoretical roots from two intellectual traditions:  conservation and ecology. Conservation has tried to harmonize the twin goals of protecting Nature from human activities and finding ways to develop within the laws of Nature.  On the other hand, ecology has tried to understand the relationship between living organisms and their non-living environment so that human beings, as living organisms, can thrive better in their environment.  The following paragraphs will outline key developments in these two intellectual traditions to the point where they converge in the current ‘Landscape Conservation Approach in Nepal’.

Beginning with the alienation of human beings from Nature as a result of industrialization in the 1700s in the West, as a result of rural, close-to-Nature livelihoods converging into the dense, squalid, far-from-Nature livelihoods in the urban, Dickensonian factories, people of all strata began to hanker for a reengagement with Nature (Adams, 1990). This reengagement of Nature was perforce variegated according to mainly spatio-temporal variables but an entry into this understanding can be made by adopting political economic stratification as an optic. According to the political economy optic, following Marxian category of a ‘superstructure’ of political and cultural processes on the ‘base’ of economic processes and structures in society and nature/society relationships, the class that controlled political economic processes, the ruling class of industrialists, politicians, feudal landlords, princes and regents, and residuals of colonial power structures had  better access to opportunities to re-engage with nature than those at the bottom: menial labor, farmers, women, underclass and oppressed, and marginalized ethnic groups who were forced to trade all of their labor output for bare survival in the machine mode of the industrial era.

The political economic elite in the West, thus, went back to remnants of pristine Nature in Europe (very little available) by means of country castles, manors, newly invented motor vehicles but the satisfaction received was not enough.  There was a growing call for unsullied pristine Nature to wash away the spiritual grime of dirty wealth from the protean industrialization.  This phenomenon was seen in all walks of life from painters such as Paul Gauguin exoticizing the earthy colors of Trinidadian women to romanticizing, celebrating and idealization of Nature in Arts and Literature.  Such inchoate socio-political strivings began to congeal into discrete intellectual traditions to save Nature at a societal level in the beginnings of the twentieth century.

In USA, for example, John Muir (1838-1914) was an early proponent of the ‘Preservationist’ Movement  who argued for total hands-off  from human beings (meaning money-making industrialization, agriculture, mining, damming) to save pristine Nature like the Yellowstone Geyser, the Old Faithful, Grand Canyon and the Hecht-Hechty spectacular landscape of the Wild West of USA.  His efforts represent the longing of the powerful elite that got a hearing under President Theodore Roosevelt and the first National Park was established in 1872. Till date, ‘National Park’ retains the heritage of ‘protected’ areas, carrying the baggage of an antagonistic attitude towards the grubby, money-making by industry and agriculture that privileges the rights of the elite to their aesthetic and spiritual  satisfaction with coercive laws, e.g. the National Park and Conservation Act 1973 laws and military protection of  Royal Chitwan National Park in Nepal.

For the super elite of Europe, the ex-colonialists, they did not have access to much undisturbed Nature like the boundless Wild West their counterparts of USA had; so they ventured to their colonial holdings in Africa, Asia and South America, the Tropics, where half of existing known biodiversity still exists. It is in Africa, the land of teaming wildlife of zebras, lions, giraffes and wildebeest that the ex-colonial big game, trophy hunters morphed their love of ‘shooting to kill’ to ‘shooting to photograph’. As these ex-hunters were in the cutting edge of interaction with pristine Nature, they were the first to be alarmed by the dwindling fate of the truly ‘wild’ wildlife and they sounded the call for protection of the objects of their hobby: the ‘wild’   wildlife.  To this the burgeoning fields of biology, ecology, botany came to the service of managerial tropical science, which offered a secular excuse to interfere in the affairs of their ex-colonies in the name of science and nature preservation. Adams (1990) documents such colonial roots of now secular conservation oriented international non-governmental organizations such as the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), IUCN, UNEP, FAO, etc. All of these global organization got together to enunciate a World Conservation Strategy in 1980, to teach the world how to save Nature and justify continued interference of the First World in the affairs of the Third World in the guise of  global nature protection (Redclift, 1992).

Along the way, over the last 200 years of inchoate First World elite actions to preserve Nature for the satisfaction of their own kind only, there began a more articulated engagement with the needs of the lower class for socioeconomic upliftment, ‘progress’ in the West and ‘development’ in the Third World.  Even while John Muir was convincing Theodore Roosevelt to set aside lands and laws to start the birth of the National Park movement first in USA then worldwide, his contemporary Gifford Pinchot (1865-1946), who went on to establish the US Forest Service argued equally effectively for ‘conservation’- defined as the management (not preservation) of Nature for the maximum satisfaction of the most people for the longest time as the rallying cry for the establishment of the US Forest Service at the start of the twentieth century but also to manage natural resources rationally for both Nature and People (read low class people), including the damming of the Colorado river to supply irrigation and electricity to the people of California. During Pinchot’s time, ‘conservation’ was only a political slogan, a pragmatic approach not buttressed with solid science or policy dimensions. Over the last century, the science that contributed to the backbone of conservation was ecology and the policy dimension was strengthened by development in economics.

In ecology, a term coined by Haeckel in 1866 the systematic study of the relationship between biota and abiota developed from the vocation of natural history or observation of all nature in the tradition of Alexander von Humboldt and Charles Darwin to a more systematic study of the relationship between larger life communities in lakes and dune landscapes by S.A. Forbes (1844-1930) and H.C. Cowles (1869-1939) while F.E. Clements (1874-1945) H.A. Gleason (1882-1975) argued over succession concepts. Early studies of temperate plant communities were enlarged by study of tropical forest communities as well as community structure including animal world. Later into a more experimental and mathematical study of individual organism in controlled environmentalists by auto-ecologists such as G.F. Gause (1910-1986), A.J. Lotka (1880-1949) and V. Volterra (1860-1940). In the meantime, animal ecologists introduced the concept of ecological niche, e.g. Charles Elton (1900-1991). The latter half of the twentieth century saw the development of ecology from the hierarchical scales from individual, population, community to ecosystems, landscape, biomes and now global systems like the Gaia.

The latter developments of post 1950s was aided by intellectual contributions of Geography, the technology of air planes, rockets, photography, satellites, which was first pushed by the Nazi Hitler’s desire for world domination with the latest technology of aerial photography; to do this Carl Troll came into the picture by developing ‘landscape ecology’ in 1939 (Troll, 1939) to study scales of lands rendered visible by aerial photos, hitherto not possible by land-based platforms. The contemporary definition of ‘Landscape’ refers to a portion of land or territory which the eye can comprehend as a single view, including all the objects so seen, especially in its pictorial aspects. When this ‘eye’ was substituted by remote sensors such as air borne cameras and satellite sensors, the landscape took on bigger dimensions, however, landscape has traditions in both human geography and physical geography, referring to areas altered by a unit of human processes or physical processes (Johnston et al., 1995). Geography, with its long intellectual enquiry into the category of ‘space’ and how it changes, ‘spatial heterogeneity’ has used ‘landscape’ as a geographical category for over a century.  With the technology development of remote sensing driven by war industries and cold war defense motivations and dollars, Landscape Ecology emerged as a sophisticated applied science that can capture processes higher than ecosystems to global processes; however, in many countries, landscape ecology is used to understand sub-national processes of nature-society relationships. While general ecology theory focused on the study of more homogenous, discrete community units organized in a hierarchical structure, landscape ecology built upon heterogeneity in space and time, and frequently included human-induced landscape changes (Sanderson and Harris, 2000).

The recent emergence of landscapes as appropriate subjects for ecological study resulted from three main factors: 1) broad-scale environmental issues and land-management problems, 2) the development of new scale-related concepts in ecology, and 3) technological advances, including the widespread availability of spatial data, the computers, softwares to manipulate these data, and the rapid rise in computational power (Turner et al., 2001). Landscape ecology emphasizes the interaction between spatial pattern and ecological process, that is, the causes and consequences of spatial heterogeneity across a range of scales. The term landscape ecology was introduced by the German biogeographer Carl Troll (1939), arising from the European traditions of regional geography and vegetation science and motivated particularly by the novel perspective offered by aerial photography. Landscape ecology essentially combined the spatial approach of the geographer with the functional approach of the ecologists (Naveh and Lieberman, 1984; Forman and Godron 1986).

Two important aspects of landscape ecology are: 1) it explicitly addresses the importance of spatial configuration for ecological processes, and 2) it often focuses on spatial extents that are much larger than those traditionally studied in ecology. The role of humans, obviously a dominant influence on landscape patterns worldwide, is sometimes considered an important component of a definition of landscape ecology. Indeed in the landscape approaches characteristic of China, Europe and the Mediterranean, human activity is perhaps the central factor in landscape ecological studies. Landscape ecology is sometimes considered to be an interdisciplinary science dealing with the interrelation between human society and its living space- its open and built up landscapes (Naveh and Lieberman, 1984). Landscape ecology draws from a variety of disciplines, many of which emphasize social sciences, including geography, landscape architecture, regional planning, economics, forestry, and wildlife ecology.

One such use is the use of landscape ecology to develop landscape conservation approach (Groom et al., 2006; Haufler, 1999; Brown et al., 2004). Here, the basic categories of landscape ecology such as heterogeneous patches, matrix, corridors, edges, edge-effects, ecocline and ecotones are used to explore ways to recoalesce fragmented patches of protected areas. National park approach to protected area, despite phenomenal development this century, covers only 10% of the land area in the world, with some areas like Nepal approaching 20% and Bhutan nearing 60%. This was not considered adequate to address the degree of threats to biodiversity worldwide and the ecosystem services biodiversity provides for the very survival humankind. Increasing the areas under protection is clearly too costly in terms of political capital, manpower, money and legitimacy in the face of poverty of the millions that demands lands for economic upliftment (Budhathoki, 2003).

Even partial protection by means of buffer zone management and other options as community based conservation management, while increasing the areas under partial protection, is not considered adequate for the dispersed biodiversity and biodiversity outside of protected area system such as the many species of medicinal and aromatic plants, non-timber forest products, and other ecoregions of the Nepal Midhills. Now, climate change the prospect of global warming is expected to be the  biggest threat to biodiversity over the next century (Groom et al., 2006) so there is an urgency to join fragmented patches of protected areas so they can be operated at higher levels of ecosystem harmony, including for example the enabling of viable metapopulations of tiger and rhino in the Terai Arc Landscape Project (TAL) (Karki et al., 2009; Wikramanayake et al., 2004; Dinerstein and McDougal, 1998) and the snow leopards, Red panda and Himalayan wildlife as in the case of Sacred Himalayan Landscape, Transboundary Landscape Conservation and Mount Kailash Landscape Conservation (Sharma et al., 2007).

Part II Application in Nepal

In the landscape conservation approach in Nepal, the key approach is to relieve the bottlenecks to migration and movement of animals so that a minimum viable population can be maintained with genetic diversity and stability (Groom et al., 2006; Karki et al., 2009). This ecological objective does present, however, novel policy challenges, since there are people living in these bottlenecks, and some of them are rather poor and sometimes of different ethnic groups, administrative and political jurisdictions or even different countries, and operating under different sectoral outreach like forest, agriculture or local development ministry as well as many local non-governmental organizations and community based organizations. There is no ready-made policy road map that has been tested, so active learning from innovations made in landscape conservation approaches in Nepal bear significance worldwide for greater cause of biodiversity conservation in the larger context of sustainable development or the harmonization of the needs of nature and the people. The following two figures summarize the changing approaches biodiversity conservation leading to landscape conservation approach in Nepal, extracted from Budhathoki (2005).

In the rest of the article, we will examine the case studies of landscape conservation approach and analyze them from the perspective of their contribution to landscape ecology, conservation
 
Fig. 1. Landscape conservation complexes in Nepal. Source: Budhathoki, 2005

Fig. 2. Shifting conservation paradigms from island networks. Source: Budhathoki, 2005


policy, and their general contribution to the cause of global biodiversity services to humankind and the sustainable development of poor peoples of Third World and Nepal.

In Nepal, landscape approach has been spearheaded by geographers and conservation biologists. Specifically since 1990s, Nepali conservation scientists have been looking to enhance conservation in areas outside protected areas and calling attention to contiguous landscapes that are fast being fragmented. Beginning with 21st century, these theoretical approaches have been supplemented by policy related approaches coming from sustainable development paradigms such as participatory management and inclusion of marginalized groups of gender and Dalits and greater awareness to address root causes of human development aspirations and social inequity driving environmental degradation including the deterioration of landscapes. Among the proponents are the UNDP/WWF/ICIMOD programs in Terai Arc Landscape (TAL) Project, Western Terai Landscape Conservation Project (WTLCP), Sacred Himalayan and Transboundary Conservation Projects in cooperation with Government of Nepal line agencies such as the Ministry of Forests and Soil Conservation and its departments.

Harka Gurung (1939-2006) was one of the early eminent Nepali geographers who were interested in the combination of both human and physical processes affecting the spatial variability of human landscapes. As early as 1971, he wrote on the landscape patterns of Nepal as determined much by its geographic setting and then the human activities (Gurung, 1971, 1989). The emphatic ridges that run east-west and numerous south-flowing rivers have defined the vertical and horizontal dimensions of the country’s physiographic component, while the lateral disposition of the country has caused bio-climatic variation from the arid west to the humid east.  As human attempts to adapt himself to the natural environment and in the process leaves his imprint on the landscape. Thus, the three major geographic regions, viz. Tarai, Hill and Mountain correspond to latitudinally arranged ecological zones. Based on these natural settings, the major watershed, and population dimension, Gurung proposed regional development plan, which surfaced in the Fourth Five-Year Plan of 1970-1975 (Sharma, 2007).

The other groups of leaders who have worked and contributed in developing and/or applying the approach of landscape level conservation in Nepal are from landscape ecology domain: forest ecologists, botanists, foresters and wildlife biologists.

In 1999, forest ecologist Dinesh Bhuju initiated and led a research team to prepare baseline information on the ecology of the Chure Hills, the southernmost hills of the Himalaya also known as Siwaliks (Bhuju, 2000). To conserve the Chure Hills, at landscape level, this study aimed to identify key areas, with two-prong approach: 1) First determine areas with significant changes in land use since 1958, 1978 and 1992; and 2) gather ecology-based information on the Chure using grid-based samples (Bhuju, 2000, 2006, 2010). The project, supported by Resources Himalaya, a Kathmandu based research organization, Nature Conservation Society of Japan (NACS-J), and WWF/Nepal surveyed Chure (total area: 1,886,000 ha, length: 840 km) from east (Mechi) to west (Mahakali) Nepal covering all major watersheds (Fig. 3), and accumulated information on: i) land-use change, ii) forest structure and regeneration, iii) tree species association at different altitudes, iv) local knowledge on plant use, and v) distribution of birds and other fauna. Once a backwater of conservation, Chure is now in the national priority (see Proceedings of National Seminar on Chure Environmental Study, June 15, 2010 organized by Department of Soil Conservation and Watershed Management).


Fig. 3. Chure range in Nepal.


At corridor scale of landscape conservation, NTNC (National Trust for Nature Conservation) took up a UNDP supported project on the Tiger-Rhino Corridor in 2001 (Thapa and Basnet 2006). The project focused its study in Barandabhar Corridor Forest adjoining to Chitwan National Park (CNP) and aimed at promoting landscape level biodiversity conservation with strong community-based management links to conserve endangered species. Very significantly, the corridor is inhabited by relocated people from CNP. The Barandabhar Forests serves as an important corridor of the Terai Arc Landscape (TAL), a program initiated by Government of Nepal with the support of WWF Nepal Program encompassing 11 protected areas of Nepal and India in 2001. Envisioning to set a landscape level management model for safeguarding biological wealth and vital ecological functions of western Terai districts (Bardia, Kailali and Kanchanpur), Government of Nepal in partnership seven national and international organizations including UNDP, launched a 8-year long project of Western Terai Landscape Conservation starting from 2005.

A cultural landscape study has also been conducted to describe and understand the relationship of natural habitat and diverse ecosystem viz. agriculture, forest and grassland ecosystems managed by human activities. Ram P. Chaudhary, a plant taxonomist and biogeographer, got involved in an interdisciplinary research undertaken by a group of biological and social scientists from Tribhuvan University and University of Bergen, Norway between 2002 and 2006. The research project made invaluable contribution in cultural landscape of Manang, a remote Trans Himalayan region in Nepal (Chaudhary, 2006). 

The interpretation of landscape approach in Nepal, however, had been varying. In 1999, Ministry of Forests and Soil Conservation of Nepal proposed Shey Phoksundo National Park (SPNP) for inclusion on the World Heritage Convention for inscription for which it produced six criteria, three natural and three cultural. The SPNP is a southern margin of Tibetan Plateau, but along with adjoining Tscharka Bhot and Mustang. Therefore, conservation biologist Pralad Yonzon (2001) argued with strong basis of landscape characters such as geology, soil, climate and vegetation that the proposal was unempirical to truncate SPNP (Dolpo) from similar and contiguous landscape of Mustang together with Tsharka Bhot.

The importance of trans-boundary cooperation in protected area management was realized in mid 1990s; however, it remained at political level organizing few bilateral meetings with bordering countries China and India and organizing  a few training activities (Paudel et al., 2008). The trans-boundary landscape approach was finally adopted with the initiation of the Sacred Himalayan Landscape.  The SHL includes five of the 19 eco-regions that comprise the Eastern Himalayan Conservation Complex, and the high topographical relief, climatic variation, and its position at the ecotone of several biogeographic regions confer the area and the landscape, with a high level of biological diversity. Chandra P Gurung (1950-2006), a geographer, who went on to be an eminent conservationist of Nepal, played a key role in implementing the plan. This approach called for the combination of attention on human processes of both cultural and economic dimensions in addition to the standard ecological dimensions in the landscape conservation approaches for Nepal both in the mountains and the plains (Gurung et al., 2006).

A group of researchers associated with ICIMOD (International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development) also advanced the concept of trans-boundary conservation landscape. Chettri and Sharma (2006) proposed developing a landscape with conservation corridors as connecting links to existing protected areas (total number: 12; total area: 5,904 sq.km.) in the Kangchenjungha complex that spread over a wide spectrum of ecological zones in eastern Nepal, Darjeeling and Sikkim in India and western Bhutan. The landscape provides contiguous habitat and unique situation where within a 100 km N-S transect, habitats range from Tropical to alpine vegetation.

One recent example of application of landscape approach in Nepal is Kailash Scared Landscape Conservation Initiative (CDB-TU 2010).  The Kailash Sacred Landscape (KSL)- Nepal complex is a part of the proposed trans-boundary landscape with the international boundaries with China and India. This trans-boundary landscape totals about 31,252 sq km of area around Mount Kailash, of which 42.5% falls in Nepal, 34.7% in China and 22.8% in India.  The proponents of the initiative have set three categories as primary criteria for delineation, viz. (i) ecological, (ii) cultural, and (iii) planning and management. However, in application only the third criterion of management is in effect as the KSL-Nepal includes four districts Baitadi, Darchula, Bajhang and Humla, where Baitadi, a mid-hill district does not fit with the rest three high mountain districts. On the other hand, districts such as Bajura, Mugu are not included in the complex, though they contain similar geographic and cultural settings like that of Darchula and other high mountain districts. The application of landscape concept in KSL-Nepal, thus, indicates the fact that the concept has much been used with development motives following the existing district administrative set-up.  

The main contribution of these authors has been to argue for the inclusion of more areas for conservation outside the existing protected areas due to endangerment of particular flora, fauna, ecological and sometimes even cultural processes.

A review of landscape conservation approach in Nepal reveals a heavy commitment to the social dimensions of conservation, ways of eliciting, sustaining and, if possible, enhancing the effectiveness of local communities to rehabilitate and restore the human altered landscape matrices outside the protected areas of national parks and conservation areas for maximal ecosystem health (WWF/Nepal, 2004; NPC/UNDP/UNEP, 2010; Gurung, 2006). The social dimensions may include community forestry, buffer zone management in which local communities are given a share of protected areas incomes to buy their cooperation with legal guarantees of their rights. On a continuum of interventions, help may be offered in awareness raising informal education and publicity, trainings for capacity building, investment in gender mainstreaming, or such social and economic upliftment that addresses the root diversity of biodiversity degradation: poverty and social inequity.

At other end maybe explicitly ecology and biological rehabilitation of such human altered landscapes from anti poaching efforts to ensure safe corridor for migrating animals to the rehabilitation of greenery and degraded landscape to the level of protected areas natural state. One of the early investments in landscape management is the enhancement in the quality and quantity of database to allow sophisticated management. This may include inventorying of landscape close to its natural state as was done by Bhuju et al. (2000) in Churiya or drawing of GIS map for transboundary landscape conservation for Mt Kailash by ICIMOD.

IUCN, WWF and Department of National Parks and Wildlife Conservation (DNPWC) have spearheaded the biology end of landscape conservation form tiger census and tiger ecology and enhancement to restoration of tiger prey habitat in the protected areas and the reduction of pressures on the protected areas by enhancing tree resources outside protected areas. The Government of Nepal and UNDP have a more livelihood sustenance and social equity goals within human altered matrix outside protected areas whose successful spinoff is the restoration of ecological services to biodiversity and humans living there (WWF/Nepal, 2002).

Part III Promise of effective conservation

In a 2004 review paper, Budhathoki (2005) discusses the opportunities and challenges for landscape conservation approaches in Nepal. He calls for a careful integration of national, regional and local interests in planning and management of landscape conservation in order to fulfill the integrated objectives of landscape level conservation.

Despite much experimental and supposedly secular and non-ideological experimentation with different governance regimes, institutional innovations to co-opt the locals in the biodiversity conservation across a landscape, there is much negative international and national baggage of being perceived as external (outside country, outside village) interests on esoteric biodiversity benefits over local (internal)  needs to survive on the local natural resources without interfering external legislation, policy, other demands.

On top of this is the changing milieu of decentralization in the country over the last few decades giving birth to local rights for community forestry, local decentralization, and now calls for institutionalizing federal decentralization of authority over the top-down command and control management which INGO and central government and ministry have been doing so far. In periods of political upheaval, all associated with earlier repressive power structures, including military administered protected areas are rendered in to paper parks, i.e. conservation only in reports with nothing on the ground.

Landscape approach is, therefore, an attempt to enlist a larger cross-section of people in between the networks of protected areas in the cause of biodiversity conservation.

The emerging issues and options of Payment of Ecological Services (PES) of Biodiversity Conservation, the implications of Climate Change policy initiatives such as Reduced Emissions from Degradation and Deforestation (REDD), the National Adaptation Plan of Action (NAPA) to effects of climate change on Nepal’s biodiversity, the implications of Federalism and the trend towards decentralization of authority in nature conservation from the tradition of centralized command and control policy administration just taking baby steps with partnership with community participation in New Nepal. In one way new challenges and opportunities will turn up. For instance, the trend towards federalism and the fears of political fragmentation and decision making over a landscape opens up new opportunities for developing payment for ecological services between and among landscape elements in country for a federal set up or transboundary and global exchange as in REDD and NAPA climate change adaptation protocols.












References

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Vol.: 05 No.-21 May .18-2012 (Jestha 05,2069)
Description: New Spotlightnepal
Description: D:\8 GB MISC\Amulya in Google\amulya's article in Spotlight part 1_files\May_18_2012_Amulya_Ratna_Tuladhar.jpg
The China Model: Money for Nothing and Chicks for Free?
By Amulya Ratna Tuladhar
“You play the guitar on the M.T.V.
That ain’t working, that’s the way you do it
Money for Nothing and your chicks for free”:  
Dire Straits, 1984: “Money for Nothing”


Dire Straits, a British rock group of the 1980’s, captured the envy of the working men, who “have to move these refrigerators, these color T.V.s. and install microwave ovens” against “them faggots on the M.T.V. who ain’t dumb, own their jets and have chicks for free, playing on the M.T.V. but that ain’t working!”


This envy captures the resentment and grudging respect of the rest of the world at China’s unstoppable economic machine rushing past Japan, morphing into the second largest economy in the world, and shoring up the biggest economy, the US till date, with trillion dollar bank guarantees to cover its crippling debt. According to World Bank, China accounts for 60% of all people of the world lifted out of poverty, about a half a billion, while its rival, India, is still saddled with the largest number of poor people of the world.


While the West has burdened the Earth with global warming from their 300 years of industrial revolution atmospheric pollution, China is the world leader in the scale of its advances in Green economy. According to a commentary on Global Vision for Rio 20 and Beyond, published in the Economic and Political Weekly in October 2011, Mukul Sanwal, a former Special Advisor to the United Nations Framework Convention for Climate Change, UNFCCC, secretariat: “a recent comparison of Copenhagen emission pledges concludes that China would contribute over 40% of total abatement by all countries, more than the total abatement by all developed countries combined, and more than 2.5 times the amount of abatement undertaken by the United States and over five times the European Union’s Kyoto commitment.”  China is proving that it is possible to decouple booming economic growth from devastating environmental degradation by investing   $468 billion in key green sectors of the economy by 2015, double the past five years, according to the United Nations Environmental Program, 2011.


Environmental degradation was a necessary price for economic growth in the Western developmental model just like the necessary accessories of Western style multiparty democracy and the hegemony of unelected private sector corporations and non-governmental organizations. But China has already produced three decades of robust State-led growth without the aforementioned, ‘necessary’ accessories. And China’s development has been more successful at poverty reduction of society’s bottom than the models offered by USA and India. In USA, the Occupy Wall Street movement is now sweeping cities to protest the top 1% capturing more wealth than the bottom 99%.  Closer home, the India Shining electoral boosterism of business-backed, rightist Bharatiya Janata Party of India lost to the centrist-leftist coalition that made it plain, NOT TO FORGET the teeming millions still suffering, in poverty.


Are all of these gains only due to the Deng Xiaoping introduced liberalization of the1978s, as the popular think tanks of the West, such as the World Bank, would have us believe? These scholars point to the nearly double digit economic growth since Deng’s correction to Mao’s follies. Mao’s Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution cost 30-70 million ‘indirect’ deaths due to famine, starvation and lost growth and nearly 1 million ‘direct’ deaths due to torture and persecution while the economic growth hovered below 5% a year, much like in Nepal over the last decade of conflict. 


However, as Nietzsche declared, ‘all present is the summation of all past’. So Mao’s social engineering is credited with preparing the ideological, economical and physical foundations for Deng’s policies to takeoff.  These include mass social learning: a) that the landed class may no longer rule with their inequitable land holdings, by having their land holdings seized and delivered to the poor masses; b) that the Communist Party of China really does deliver the goods, the land, to the maximum population base, earning their unwavering loyalty even through the trying  social experiments such as the draconian restrictions on rural to urban migration; c) that the so-called intellectual flotsam, the bespectacled urban upper class, needed to go ‘Back to Village’, to learn that they were not more equal than the rural, toiling masses with hands dirty;   d) that every rural household could be transformed to mass, individual, industrial manufacturing units capable of faster relief from poverty than the slow-paced agriculture ; to produce, presto, e) the fundamental building block for transformation into the world’s manufacturing power house.


In a country with the largest population of the world at 1.4 billion now, and even among the four river basins of the world since the dawn of human civilization in: the Yellow River Basin of  China, the Mohenjo-Daro Harappa of the Indus, the Mesopotamian, Euphrates and Tigris of modern day Iraq, and the Nile River Valley of Egypt, around 3000-1500 B.C., mass learning to facilitate extremely large scale social undertakings, unfractured by cultural, geographical, political or other divisiveness, seems to be a unique cultural legacy of China. As early as the 5th century or even earlier, the great human feat of the Great Wall of China, nearly 9000 km long, or ten times the length of Nepal, and supposedly visible from space, was taken on as a gigantic social enterprise spanning centuries and completed around the 16th century Ming dynasty, to protect the prosperous agricultural population from the marauding cavalry of the Mongols and the barbarians from the northwest.


The other important, latter day, mass social learning and undertakings include: a) pauperization inflicted through the millennia by imperial dynasties (the Hsia, Shang, Han, Ming, Qing,to name just a few); b) the humiliating unequal treaties and opium forced onto the Chinese by the cannonading British, in late nineteenth century; c) leading to a mass yearning to throw off  the yokes of imperial overlords of the country and beyond; d) that built the ground work for so-called great leaders of the twentieth century, Sun Yat-sen, Chiang Kai Shek, Mao Zedong, and Deng Xiaoping to emerge; and more recently, e) to push down the country’s population growth rate to 0.57% per year now, less than half of Nepal’s 1.4%, with its 1-child policy.


to be continued...
Amulya is at Kathmandu University
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